1. Sign, Signified, Signifier
Some people regard
language, when reduced to its elements, as
a naming-process only‹a list
of words, each corresponding to the
thing that it names. For example:
This conception is open to criticism at
several points. It assumes
that ready-made ideas exist before words (on
this point, see below,
p. 111); it does not tell us whether a name is
vocal or psychological
in nature (arbor, for instance, can be
considered from either view-
point); finally, it lets us assume that the
linking of a name and a
thing is a very simple operation‹an assumption
that is anything
but true. But this rather naive approach can bring us
near the
truth by showing us that the linguistic unit is a double entity,
one
formed by the associating of two terms
We have seen in
considering the speaking-circuit (p. 11) that both terms involved in the
linguistic sign are psychological and are
united in the brain by an
assocative bond- This point must be
emphasized.
The linguistic
sign unites, not a thing and a name, but a concept
and a sound-image.[l]
The latter is not the material sound, a purely
physical thing, but the
psychological imprint of the sound, the
impression that it makes on our
senses. The sound-image is sensory,
and if I happen to call it
"material,"' it is only in that sense, and by
way of opposing it to the
other term of the association, the concept,
which is generally more
abstract.
The psychological character of our sound-images becomes
ap-
parent when we observe our own speech. Without moving our lips
or
tongue, we can talk to ourselves or recite mentally a selection of
verse.
Because we regard the words of our language as sound-
images, we must
avoid speaking of the "phonemes" that make up
the words. This term, which
suggests vocal activity, is applicable
to the spoken word only, to the
realization of the inner image in
discourse. We can avoid that
misunderstanding by speaking of the
sounds and syllables of
a word provided we remember that the
names refer to the
sound-image.
The linguistic sign is then a two-sided psychological
entity that
can be represented by the drawing:

The two elements are intimately united, and each recalls
the
other. Whether we try to find the meaning of the Latin word
arbor
or the word that Latin uses to designate the concept "tree,"
it is
1. The term sound-image may seem to be too
restricted inasmuch as beside
the representation of the sounds of a word
there is also that of its articulation,
tbe muscular image of the
phonational act. But for F. de Saussure language is
essentially a
depository, a thing received from without (see p. 13). The sound
image is
par excellence the natural representation of the word as a fact
of
potential language, outside any actual use of it in speaking. The
motor side is
thus implied or, in any event, occupies only a subordinate
role with respect
to the sound-image. [Ed.]
clear that only the associations
sanctioned by that language appeal
to us to conform to reality, and we
disregard whatever others
might be imagined.
Our definition of the
linguistic sign poses an important question
of terminology. I call the
combination of a concept and a sound-
image a sign, but in current
usage the term generally designates
only a sound-image, a word, for
example (arbor, etc.). One tends
to forget that arbor is called a
sign only because it carries the con-
cept "tree," with the result that
the idea of the sensory part
implies the idea of the whole.
Ambiguity would disappear if the three notions involved
here
were designated by three names, each suggesting and opposing
the
others. I propose to retain the word sign [signe] to designate
the
whole and to replace concept and sound-image
respectively by
signified [signifié] and signifier
[signifiant]; the last two terms have
the advantage of indicating the
opposition that separates them
from each other and from the whole of
which they are parts. As
regards sign, if I am satisfied with it,
this is simply because I do not
know of any word to replace it, the
ordinary language suggesting
no other.
The linguistic sign, as
defined, has two primordial character-
istics. In enunciating them I am
also positing the basic principles of
any study of this type.
2. Principle 1: The Arbitrary Nature of the Sign
The
bond between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary.
Since I mean
by sign the whole that results from the associating of
the signifier with
the signified, I can simply say: the linguistic sign
is
arbitrary.
The idea of "sister" is not linked by any inner
relationship to
the succession of sounds s-ö-r which serves as its
signifier in French;
that it could be represented equally by just any
other sequence is
proved by differences among languages and by the very
existence
of different languages: the signified "ox" has as its signifier
b-ô-f
on one side of the border and o-k-s (Ochs) on the
other.
No one disputes the principle of the arbitrary nature of the
sign,
but it is often easier to discover a truth than to assign to it
its
proper place. Principle I dominates all the linguistics of
language;
its consequences are numberless. It is true that not all of
them are
equally obvious at first glance; only after many detours does
one
discover them, and with them the primordial importance of
the
principle.
One remark in passing: when semiology becomes
organized as
a science, the question will arise whether or not it
properly includes
modes of expression based on completely natural signs,
such as
pantomime. Supposing that the new science welcomes them,
its
main concern will still be the whole group of systems grounded
on
the arbitrariness of the sign. In fact, every means of expression
used
in society is based, in principle, on collective behavior
or‹what
amounts to the same thing‹on convention. Polite formulas,
for
instance, though often imbued with a certain natural
expressive-
ness (as in the case of a Chinese who greets his emperor by
bowing
down to the ground nine times), are nonetheless fixed by rule; it
is
this rule and not the intrinsic value of the gestures that obliges
one
to use them. Signs that are wholly arbitrary realize better than
the
others the ideal of the semiological process; that is why
language,
the most complex and universal of all systems of expression, is
also
the most characteristic; in this sense linguistics can become
the
master-pattern for all branches of semiology although language
is
only one particular semiological system.
The word symbol
has been used to designate the linguistic sign,
or more specifically,
what is here called the signifier. Principle I in
particular weighs
against the use of this term. One characteristic
of the symbol is that it
is never wholly arbitrary; it is not empty,
for there is the rudiment of
a natural bond between the signifier
and the signified. The symbol of
justice, a pair of scales, could not
be replaced by just any other
symbol, such as a chariot.
The word arbitrary also calls ior
commcnt. The term should not
imply that the choice of the signifier is
left entirely to the speaker
(we shall see below that the individual does
not have the power to
change a sign in any way once it has become
established in the
linguistic community); I mean that it is unmotivated,
i.e. arbitrary
in that it actually has no natural connection with the
signified.
In concluding let us consider two objections that might be
raised
to the establishment of Principle I:
1) Onomatopoeia
might be used to prove that the choice of the
signifier is not always
arbitrary. But onomatopoeic formations are
never organic elements of a
linguistic system. Besides, their number
is much smaller than is
generally supposed. Words like French
fouet 'whip' or glas
'knell' may strike certain ears with suggestive
sonority, but to see that
they have not always had this property
we need only examine their Latin
forms (fouet is derived from fagus
'beech-tree,'
glas from classicum 'sound of a trumpet'). The quality
of
their present sounds, or rather the quality that is attributed to
them,
is a fortuitous result of phonetic evolution.
As for authentic
onomatopoeic words (e.g. glug~glug, tick-tock,
etc.), not only are they
limited in number, but also they are chosen
somewhat arbitrarily, for
they are only approximate and more or
less conventional imitations of
certain sounds (cf. English bo~boto
and French ouaoua). In addition, once
these words have been intro-
duced into the language, they are to a
certain extent subjected to
the same evolution‹phonetic, morphological,
etc.‹that other
words undergo (cf. pigeon, ultimately from Vulgar
Latin pipio,
derived in turn from an onomatopoeic formation):
obvious proof
that they lose something of their original character in
order to
assume that of the linguistic sign in general, which is
unmotivated.
2) Interjections, closely related to
onomatopoeia, can be at-
tacked on the same grounds and come no closer to
refuting our
thesis. One is tempted to see in them spontaneous
expressions of
reality dictated, so to speak, by natural forces. But for
most inter-
jectlons we can show that there is no fixed bond between
their sig-
nified and their signifier. We need only compare two languages
on
this point to see how much such expressions differ from one
lan-
guage to the next (e.g. the English equivalent of French aie!
is
ouch!). We know, moreover, that many interjections were once
words
with specific meanings (cf. French diable! 'darn!'
mordieu!
'golly!' from mort Dieu 'God's death,'
etc.).'
Onomatopoeic formations and interjections are of
secondary
irnportance, and their symbolic origin is in part open to
dispute.
3. Principle II: The Linear Nature of the
Signifier
The signifier, being auditory, is unfolded solely in
time from
which it gets the following characteristics: (a) it represents
a span,
and (b) the span is measurable in a single dimension; it is a
line.
While Principle II is obvious, apparently linguists have
always
neglected to state it, doubtless because they found it too
simple;
nevertheless, it is fundamental, and its consequences are
incal-
culable. Its importance equals that of Principle I; the
whole
mechanism of language depends upon it (see p. 122 f.). In
contrast
to visual signifiers (nautical signals, etc.) which can offer
simul-
taneous groupings in several dimensions, auditory signifiers
have
at their command only the dimension of time. Their elements
are
presented in succession; they form a chain. This feature
becomes
readily apparent when they are represented in writing and
the
spatial line of graphic marks is substituted for succession in
time.
Sometimes the linear nature of the signifier is not obvious.
When
I accent a syllable, for instance, it seems that I am
concentrating
more than one significant element on the same point. But
this is an
illusion; the syllable and its accent constitute only one
phonational
act. There is no duality within the act but only different
op-
positions to what precedes and what follows (on this subject,
see
p. 131).
IMMUTABILITY AND MUTABILITY OF THE SIGN
1. Immutability
The signifier, tbough to all
appearances freely chosen with re-
spect to the idea that it represcnts,
iæ fixed, not free, with respect
to the linguistic community that uses
it. The masses have no voice
in the matter, and the signifier chosen by
language could be re-
placed by no other. This fact, which seems to
embody a contradic-
tion, might be called colloquially "the stacked
deck." We say to
language: "Choose!" but we add: "It must be this sign
and no
other." No individual, even if he willed it, could modify in
any
way at all the choice that hag been made; and what is more,
the
community itself cannot control so much as a single word; it
is
bound to the existing language.
No longer can language be
identified with a contract pure and
simple, and it is precisely from this
viewpoint that the linguistic
sign is a particularly interesting object
of study; for language
furnishes the best proof that a law accepted by a
community is a
thing that is tolerated and not a rule to which all freely
consent.
Let us first see why we cannot control the linguistic sign and
then
draw together the important consequences that issue from
the
phenomenon.
No matter what period we chooge or how far back we
go, lan-
guage always appears as a heritage of the preceding period.
We
might conceive of an act by which, at a given moment, names
were
assigned to things and a contract was formed between concepts
and
sound-images; but such an act has never been recorded. The
notion that
things might have happened like that was prompted
by our acute awareness
of the arbitrary nature of the sign-
No society, in fact, knows or
has ever known language other than
as a product inherited from preceding
generations, and one to be
accepted as such. That is why the question of
the origin of speech
is not so important as it is generally assumed to
be. The question
is not even worth asking; the only real object of
linguistics is the
normal, regular life of an existing idiom. A
particular language-
state is always the product of historical forces,
and these forces
explain why the sign is unchangeable, i.e. why it
resists any
arbitrary substitution.
Nothing is explained by saying
that language is something
inherited and leaving it at that. Can not
existing and inherited
laws be modified from one moment to the
next?
To meet that objection, we must put language into its
social
setting and frame the question just as we would for any
other
social institution. How are other social ingtitutions
transmitted?
This more general question includes the question of
immutability.
We must first determine the greater or lesser amounts of
freedom
that the other institutions enjoy; in each instance it will be
seen
that a different proportion exists between fixed tradition and
the
free action of society. The next step is to discover why in a
given
category, the forces of the first type carry more weight or
less
weight than those of the second. Finally, coming back to
language,
we must ask why the historical factor of transmission dominates
it
entirely and prohibits any sudden widespread change.
There are
many possible answers to the question. For example,
one might point to
the fact that succeeding generations are not
superimposed on one another
like the drawers of a piece of furni-
ture, but fuse and interpenetrate,
each generation embracing in-
dividuals of all ages‹with the result that
modifications of language
are not tied to the succession of generations.
One might also recall
the sum of the efforts required for learning the
mother language
and conclude that a general change would be impossible.
Again,
it might be added that reflection does not enter into the active
use
of an idiom‹speakers are largely unconscious of the laws of
lan-
guage; and if they are unaware of them, how could they
modify
them? Even if they were aware of these laws, we may be sure
that
their awareness would seldom lead to criticism, for people
are
generally satisfied with the language they have received.
The
foregoing considerations are important but not topical. The
following are
more basic and direct, and all the others depend on
them.
1) The
arbitrary nature of the sign. Above, we had to accept the
theoretical
possibility of change; further reflection suggests that
the arbitrary
nature of the sign is really what protects language
from any attempt to
modify it. Even if people were more conscious
of language than they are,
they would still not know how to discuss
it. The reason is simply that
any subject in order to be discussed
must have a reasonable basis. It is
possible, for instance, to discuss
whether the monogamous form of
marriage is more reasonable than
the polygamous form and to advance
arguments to support either
side. One could also argue about a system of
symbols, for the sym-
bol has a rational relationship with the thing
signified (see p. 68);
but language is a system of arbitrary signs and
lacks the necessary
basis, the solid ground for discussion. There is no
reason for
preferring soeur to sister, Ochs to
boeuf, etc.
2) The multiplicity of signs necessary to form
any language.
Another important deterrent to linguistic change is the
great num-
ber of signs that must go into the making of any language.
A
system of writing comprising twenty to forty letters can in case
of
need be replaced by another system. The same would be true
of language if
it contained a limited number of elements; but
linguistic signs are
numberless.
3) The over-complexity of the system. A language
constitutes a
system. In this one respect (as we shall see later)
language is not
completely arbitrary but is ruled to some extent by
logic; it is
here also, however, that the inability of the masses to
transform
it becomes apparcnt. The system is a complex mechanism that
can
be grasped only through reflection; the very ones who use it
daily
are ignorant of it. We can conceive of a change only through
the
intervention of specialists, grammarians, logicians, etc.; but
ex-
perience shows us that all such meddlings have failed.
4)
Collective inertia toward innovation. Language‹and this
con-
sideration surpasses all the others‹is at every moment
every-
body's concern; spread throughout society and manipulated by
it,
language is something used daily by all. Here we are unable to
set
up any comparison between it and other institutions- The
pre-
scriptions of codes, religious rites, nautical signals, etc.,
involve
only a certain number of individuals simultaneously and then
only
during a limited period of time; in language, on the contrary,
every-
one participates at all times, and that is why it is constantly
being
influenced by all. This capital fact suffices to show the
impossibility
of revolution. Of all social institutions, language is
least amenable
to initiative. It blends with the life of society, and the
latter, inert
by nature, is a prime conservative force.
But to say
that language is a product of social forces does not
suffice to show
clearly that it is unfree; remembering that it is
always the heritage of
the preceding period, we must add that these
social forces are linked
with time. Language is checked not only by
the weight of the collectivity
but also by time. These two are in-
separable. At every moment solidarity
with the past checks free-
dom of choice. We say man and
dog. This does not prevent the
existence in the total phenomenon
of a bond between the two
antithetical forces‹arbitrary convention by
virtue of which choice
is free and time which causes choice to be fixed.
Because the sign
is arbitrary, it follows no law other than that of
tradition, and
because it is based on tradition, it is arbitrary.
2. Mutability
Time, which insures the continuity of
language, wields another
influence apparently contradictory to the first:
the more or less
rapid change ol linguistic signs. In a certain sense,
therefore, we
can speak of both the immutability and the mutability of
the sign.'
In the last analysis, the two facts are interdependent:
the sign
is exposed to alteration because it perpetuates itself. What
pre-
dominates in all change is the persistence of the old
substance;
disregard for the past is only relative. That is why the
principle
of change is based on the principle of
continuity.
Change in time takes many forms, on any one of which an
im-
portant chapter in linguistics might be written. Without
entering
into detail, let us see what things need to be
delineated.
First, let there be no mistake about the meaning that we
attach
to the word change. One might think that it deals especially
with
phonetic changes undergone by the signifier, or perhaps changes
in
meaning which affect the signified concept. That view would
be
inadequate. Regardless of what the forces of change are, whether
in
isolation or in combination, they always result in a shift in
the
relationship between the signified and the signifer.
Here
are some examples. Latin necare 'kill' became noyer
'drown'
in French. Both the gound-image and the concept changed; but
it
is useless to separate the two parts of the phenomenon; it
is
sufficient to state with respect to the whole that the bond
between
the idea and the sign was loosened, and that there was a shift
in
their relationship. If instead of comparing Classical Latin
necare
with French noyer, we contrast the former term with
necare of
Vulgar Latin of the fourth or fifth century meaning
'drown' the
case is a little different; but here again; although there is
no
appreciable change in the signifier, there is a shift in the
relation-
ship between the idea and the sign.'
Old German
dritteil 'one-third' became Drittel in Modern Ger-
man.
Here, although the concept remained the same, the relation-
ship was
changed in two ways: the signifier was changed not only
in its material
aspect but also in its grammatical form; the idea of
Teil 'part'
is no longer implied; Drittel is a simple word. In one way
or
another there is always a shift in the relationship.
In Anglo-Saxon
the preliterary form fot 'foot' remained while its
plural
foti became fet (Modern English feet). Regardless of
the
other changes that are implied, one thing is certain: there was
a
shift in their relationship; other correspondenceg between
the
phonetic substance and the idea emerged.
Language is radically
powerless to defend itself against the
forces which from one moment to
the next are shifting the relation-
ship between the signified and the
signifier. This is one of the
consequences of the arbitrary nature of the
sign.
Unlike language, other human institutions‹customs, laws,
etc.
‹are all based in varying degrees on the natural relations of
things;
all have of necessity adapted the means employed to the
ends
pursued. Even fashion in dress is not entirely arbitrary; we
can
deviate only slightly from the conditions dictated by the
human
body. Language is limited by nothing in the choice of means,
for
apparently nothing would prevent the associating of any
idea
whatsoever with just any sequence of sounds.
To emphasize the
fact that language is a genuine institution,
Whitney quite justly
insisted upon the arbitrary nature of signs;
and by so doing, he placed
linguistics on its true axis. But he did
not follow through and see that
the arbitrariness of language radi-
cally separates it from all other
institutions. This is apparent from
the way in which language evolves.
Nothing could be more com-
plex. As it is a product of both the social
force and time, no one
can change anything in it, and on the other hand,
the arbitrariness
of its signs theoretically entails the freedom of
establishing just
any relationship between phonetic substance and ideas.
The result
is that each of the two elements united in the sign maintains
its
own life to a degree unknown elsewhere, and that language
changes,
or rather evolves, under the influence of all the forces
which can affect
either sounds or meanings. The evolution is in-
evitable; there is no
example of a single language that resists it.
After a certain period of
time, some obvious shifts can always be
recorded.
Mutability is so
inescapable that it even holds true for artificial
languages. Whoever
creates a language controls it only so long as
it is not in circulation;
from the moment when it fulfills its mission
and becomes the property of
everyone, control is lost. Take Es-
peranto as an example; if it
succeeds, will it escape the inexorable
law? Once launched, it is quite
likely that Esperanto will enter
upon a fully semiological life; it will
be transmitted according to
laws which have nothing in common with those
of its logical cre-
ation, and there will be no turning backwards. A man
proposing
a fixed language that posterity would have to accept for what
it is
would be like a hen hatching a duck's egg: the language
created
by him would be borne along, willy-nilly, by the current
that
engulfs all languages.
Signs are governed by a principle of
general semiology: con-
tinuity in time is coupled to change in time;
this is confirmed by
orthographic systems, the speech of deaf-mutes,
etc.
But what supports the necessity for change? I might be
re-
proached for not having been as explicit on this point as on
the
principle of immutability. This is because I failed to
distinguish
between the different forces of change. We must consider
their
great variety in order to understand the extent to which they
are
necessary.
The causes of continuity are a priori within
the scope of the
observer, but the causes of change in time are not. It
is better not
to attempt giving an exact account at this point, but to
restrict
discussion to the shifting of relationships in general. Time
changes
all things; there is no reason why language should escape
this
universal law.
Let us review the main points of our
discussion and relate them
to the principles set up in the
Introduction.
1) Avoiding sterile word definitions, within the total
phenome-
non represented by speech we first singled out two parts:
language
and speaking. Language is speech less speaking. It is the whole
set
of linguistic habits which allow an individual to understand
and
to be understood.
2) But this definition still leaves language outside its social
con-
text; it makes language something artificial since it includes
only
the individual part of reality; for the realization of language,
a
community of speakers [masse parlante] is necessary. Contrary
to
all appearances, language never exists apart from the social
fact,
for it is a semiological phenomenon. Its social nature is one of
its
inner characteristics. Its complete definition confronts us with
two
inseparable entities, as shown in this drawing:
But under the conditions described language is not
living--it
has only potential life; we have considered only the social,
not the
historical, fact.
3) The linguistic sign is arbitrary;
language, as defined, would
therefore seem to be a system which, because
it depends solely on a
rational principle, is free and can be organized
at will. Its social
nature, considered independently, does not definitely
rule out this
viewpoint. Doubtless it is not on a purely logical basis
that group
psychology operates; one must consider everything that
deflects
reason in actual contacts between individuals. But the thing
which
keeps language from being a simple convention that can be
modi-
fied at the whim of interested parties is not its social nature; it
is
rather the action of time combined with the social force. If
time
is left out, the linguistic facts are incomplete and no
conclusion
is possible.
If we congidered language in time, without
the community of
speakers--imagine an isolated individual living for
several cen-
turies‹we probably would notice no change; time would
not
influence language. Conversely, if we considered the community
of
speakers without considering time, we would not see the effect
of the
social forces that influence language. To represent the actual
facts, we
must then add to our first drawing a sign to indicate
passage of
time:
Language is no longer free, for time will allow the social
forces
at work on it to carry out their effects. This brings us back to
the
principle of continuity, which cancels freedom. But
continuity
necessarily implies change, varying degrees of shifts in the
relation
ship between the signified and the signifier.
(from
Saussure's Course in General Linguistics (Phil Library, 1966) pp.
65-78.)